A review of Edmund
Morris’ Theodore Rex (2001)
(Rating 5 of 5)
Morris’ earlier book The Rise of Theodore
Roosevelt that focused on the mere forty-two years Roosevelt went from
birth to being the President of the United States, the fastest rise on
record. The election of 1900 was
supposed to silence the rebellious Governor of New York by making him the Vice
President. However when an assassin’s
bullet mortally wounded President McKinley fate put Roosevelt in a great
position to act. This book covers the accomplishments and failures of an administration.
The first
thing of significance that Roosevelt decided to do was infuriate the entire
solid south over their favorite issue: Black people. Booker T. Washington was the least offensive
African-American that white southerners could ask for. Popular in the African-American community in
his own time, Washington has since fallen out of favor after the ‘black power’
movement in the 60s and 70s.
Washington’s philosophy was focused on practical things now, political rights
later. Roosevelt, on race, was enlightened
for his time, although not quite with ours.
He tended to agree with society’s view on race (that White people were
the best), but Morris points out that Roosevelt viewed was different in that he
thought White supremacy would be temporary.
He thought races could become better as time went on and ‘catch up’, and
that each individual should be judged on his or her own merits. And Roosevelt thought absolutely nothing
about inviting the accomplished Washington to the White House for dinner, but
the South had other ideas.
“The storm squalled louder when
reporters discovered that Roosevelt had entertained blacks before, in the
gubernatorial mansion at Albany and at Sagamore Hill. Hate mail and death threats swamped the White
House and the Tuskegee Institute. In
Richmond, Virginia, a transparency of the President’s face was hissed off the
Bijou screen. In Charleston, South
Carolina, Senator Benjamin R. Tillman endorsed remedial genocide: ‘The action
of President Roosevelt in entertaining that nigger will necessitate our killing
of a thousand niggers in the South before they will learn their place again.’”
(p.55)
One has to
wonder how Senator Tillman would react after the 2008 election.
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Booker T. Washington and Theodore Roosevelt |
After
infuriating the South the new President decided to take on the seemingly
all-powerful trusts.
When Northern
Securities Co. threatened to take over all the railroads in the United States,
it was President Roosevelt who stood up and stopped it.
Morgan was shocked because no President of
the United States had ever stood up to him before.
“Whatever qualms the President may
have had in granting an interview, he had little difficulty handling
Morgan. Or at least Roosevelt chose not
to remember any, when recounting the conversation afterward. Morgan had seemed less furious than
puzzled. Why had the Administration not
asked him to correct irregularities in the new trust’s charter?
Roosevelt: That is just we did not want to do.
Morgan: If we had done anything wrong, send your man to my
man and they can fix it up.
Roosevelt: That can’t be done.
Knox: We don’t want to fix it up, we want to stop it.
Morgan: Are you going to attack my other interests, the
Steel Trust and others?
Roosevelt: Certainly not—unless we find out that in any case
they have done something we regard as wrong.
Alone with Knox later, Roosevelt
mused, ‘That is a most illuminating illustration of the Wall Street point of
view.’ Morgan could think of the
President of the United States only as ‘a big rival operator’ with whom he
could cut a deal.” (p.91-2)
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Roosevelt vs. the Trusts |
Roosevelt
would gain a reputation for being pro-labor, but he was not pro-labor so much
as he was pro-fairness, and for the last few decades management did not need to
negotiate as the government was always there to back them up. Roosevelt moved the government into a more
neutral corner, and allowed for labor to deal in a fairer environment.
“Some weeks after the Coal Strike
Commission had begun its work, and anthracite fires were glowing in forty
million grates, George Baer encountered Owen Wister and roared at him, ‘Does
your friend ever think?’ The railroad
executive was still furious over Roosevelt’s ‘imperious’ intervention between
free-market forces. Even the most
conservative economic experts were predicting that United Mine Workers would
win at least 10 percent wage increase, plus fairer and safer working conditions
and the right to arbitrate all disputes.” (p.169)
Roosevelt
shared the international stage with a host of other characters. King Edward VII of England was one who
Roosevelt rather liked. One who
Roosevelt despised was King Edward’s psychotic nephew, Kaiser Wilhelm II of
Germany.
“What made Roosevelt wary was
Wilhelm’s inclination toward bejeweled fantasy.
‘He writes to me pretending that he is a descendent of Frederick the
Great! I know better and feel inclined
to tell him so.’ The Kaiser liked to
dress up like Frederick; when he posed for photographs in his hero’s
thigh-boots he revealed rather wide hips.
Roosevelt, alive to any hint of effeminacy, understood that in
negotiating with Wilhelm he must at all times remember the importance of
show. It would be foolhardy to humiliate
him in the Caribbean. The Kaiser was
enough of a man to stand tough, confidential message—and enough of a woman,
presumably, to retreat if it could be made to look glamorous.” (p.186)
Roosevelt’s
most famous and long-lasting accomplishment was the Panama Canal. When Columbia decided to back out of its deal
with the United States Roosevelt turned his eye to a little revolution that was
going in the province of Panama. If
Columbia did not want to deal than perhaps the revolutionaries would.
“There was no doubt now that the
province would soon—must—secede from the Colombian federation. Bogota’s rejection of the canal treaty, and
Washington’s apparent acceptance of that rejection, amounted to dual deathblows
to the Istmusenos. Not only had
they lost their long-dreamed waterway, spilling wealth on both sides forever,
but their railroad, too, would become redundant, once the Nicaragua Canal
opened for business. With no paved
highways, no bridges, little industry, and less commerce, they might just as
well revert to jungle living.
The President could not help
feeling sympathetic. Here was a little
ridge of country, about as wide as southern Vermont, a half-drowned hogback of
mostly impenetrable rain forest, walled off from the rest of Colombia by
mountains. Geographically, it belonged
to Central America. Its only surface
communications with the southern continent were by sea or mule train. Letters took fifteen days to get to Bogota,
if they got there at all; about the only reliable deliveries were those
carrying tax money out of the Isthmus.
Panama’s political status as a provincia
of Colombia was equally tenuous. It had
spontaneously joined the New Granadian Federation in 1821, and seceded with its
disintegration in 1830. Bogota had
reasserted control twelve years later, and from then on Panama had alternated
stormily between semi-autonomy and subjugation.
Roosevelt counted no fewer than fifty-three isthmian insurrections,
riots, civil disturbances, and revolts since 1846. None had been perpetrated with any American
help. On at least ten occasions (six
times at Bogota’s request, twice during his own presidency), Washington had
blocked rebel movements and shipments along the Panama Railroad.” (p. 273)
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It is easy to see how useful the Panama Canal was |
No
President who entered the office by means of succession was ever elected—much
less nominated—to a term of their own.
Roosevelt would achieve both at the expense of the party elders and
conservatives. Roosevelt would redefine
how a President campaigned to retain his office. After President Jackson, only three incumbent
presidents retained their office after a presidential election. (Lincoln,
Grant, and McKinley) In over a hundred
years since Roosevelt left office only five have failed to retain it. (Taft,Hoover,
Ford, Carter, and Bush I)
“In the meantime, the President
felt free to set his own Republican agenda, in a series of indiscretions
calculated to heave fresh sod on Hanna’s grave.
He preached conservation to the National Wholesale Lumber Dealers’
Association, and political morality to Republican professionals. He meddled in the gubernatorial politics of
New York and Missouri, ordered a draft platform for the convention, considered
and approved a mysterious proposal to translate American campaign literature
into Bohemian, and grossly flattered the first national assembly of American
periodical publishers: ‘It is always a pleasure for a man in public life to
meet the real governing classes.’
Old Guard Republicans worried about
the undignified spectacle of a President campaigning for his own office. He was supposed to put himself in the hands
of party professionals. McKinley had
successfully sat out two campaigns at home in Canton, Ohio; here was ‘Teddy’
virtually setting up pre-convention headquarters in the White House.” (p.319)
Roosevelt
loved being a member in the party of Lincoln; it was Roosevelt who put Lincoln
on the penny. John Hay, Lincoln’s
personal secretary, who was U.S. Secretary of State when Roosevelt took office,
gave him a special ring to where at his inauguration in 1905.
“Close observers noticed a strange,
heavy gold ring on his third finer. It
contained a strand of Abraham Lincoln’s hair.
John Hay had given it to him with a request that he wear it when he was
sworn in: ‘You are one of the men who most thoroughly understand and appreciate
Lincoln.’” (p.376)
Another
great Roosevelt achievement that occurred in Kittery, Me, despite the claim
that it took place in Portsmouth NH. In Kittery, Roosevelt mediated the settlement of the result of the war between Russia and Japan.
Roosevelt had a great respect for Japan and could not stand the Tsar or
his government. The great challenge for
Roosevelt was having to deal with a Tsar that did not want to deal with
reality.
“Roosevelt detected a resurgence of
the Russian lack of logic that had so infuriated him with Count Casini. His Majesty would not give up Sakhalin, yet
Sakhalin, was already occupied by the Japanese.
Russia was not conquered—she had merely been beaten in every land battle
of the war, and lost almost all of her navy.
He soil was undefiled, but if she did not soon treat with Japan, she
could say good-bye to eastern Siberia.” (p.410)
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Treaty of Portsmouth |
The one
sour spot on Roosevelt’s record was his action during the Brownsville
Affair. Some African-American
infantrymen were accused of murdering a bartender and injuring a cop. When none came forward Roosevelt discharged
the entire black regiment for engagement in a ‘conspiracy of silence’. These orders would not be reversed until the
Nixon administration.
“Roosevelt remained silent. He closeted himself with the original
Brownsville report of Major Blocksom, rereading it carefully. Its findings did not alter his conviction as
to the guilty of the men. But after
studying another view of the case, by a retired Union Army general, he betrayed
the first trace of regret over the hastiness of his action. He wrote Taft a confidential note, saying he
was now ‘uncertain whether or not the officers of the three colored companies…
are or are not blamable,’ and asking for ‘a thoro investigation’ to clarify his
thinking.” (472-3)
Roosevelt’s
crowning achievement on his presidency was the ‘Great White Fleet’. Ever since he was a boy he loved his
country's Navy. He wrote the Naval
War of 1812 and served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy as an adult. After Roosevelt was done the U.S. Navy had
become the third best in the world ranking only under Great Britain and
Germany. The tour of the Great White
Fleet confirmed it.
“Roosevelt considered the options,
and his own as President and Commander-in-Chief. He had just seventeen months left in office,
and wanted to make a grand gesture of will, something that would loom as large
historically in his second term as the Panama Canal coup had in his first. What could be grander, more inspirational to
the Navy, and to all Americans, than sending sixteen great white ships halfway
around the world—maybe even farther?” (p.494)
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Great White Fleet |
Morris’ book is very well done. It has a great following narrative and would
be enjoyable to someone who knows a lot about history or a causal reader. In terms of style I really like that he
includes his pictures within the text not in a separate section like many other books
do. I really like the
capitalization. Morris is thorough back
who capitalizes titles, as I believe we should.
I would recommend this book to anyone.
{Video is from TR's inauguration in 1905}